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A sign depicting Bank of America's logo on a brick wall. As of the time this article was written, Bank of America was the second-largest banking institution in the United States and the second-largest bank in the world by market capitalization, both after JPMorgan Chase. (Photo: Mike Mozart, reproduced under a Creative Commons license)

On Feb­ru­ary 28th, legal ana­lysts and bankers lis­tened in antic­i­pa­tion as the Supreme Court of the Unit­ed States heard oral argu­ments in Can­tero v. Bank of Amer­i­ca.

On its face, the case deals with a niche issue regard­ing inter­est rates and escrow accounts. Still, with the argu­ments being made by Bank of Amer­i­ca, the Supreme Court’s deci­sion could be wide rang­ing, pos­si­bly fun­da­men­tal­ly alter­ing the abil­i­ty of states to reg­u­late America’s biggest banks on behalf of consumers.

To under­stand the impor­tance of the case, it is nec­es­sary to explain how America’s bank­ing sys­tem oper­ates with­in its fed­er­al character. 

In the Unit­ed States, banks can receive a char­ter to oper­ate through two means. The first, and much old­er method, is through the states. With the excep­tions of the First and Sec­ond Banks of the Unit­ed States, the oper­a­tions of banks were orig­i­nal­ly con­cep­tu­al­ized as a state affair where the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment was min­i­mal­ly involved. Nonethe­less, dur­ing the Civ­il War this pre­dom­i­nant­ly state led sys­tem was upturned.

To pay for the war effort, Con­gress, under the direc­tion of Pres­i­dent Lin­coln, cre­at­ed green­backs, which was a new form of legal ten­der whose val­ue was guar­an­teed by the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment. The new cur­ren­cy meant that the north­ern gov­ern­ment could print the mon­ey it need­ed to build up the nec­es­sary wartime infra­struc­ture to defeat the Con­fed­er­ate insur­rec­tion being waged by the south­ern states. 

The prob­lem was that while Con­gress cre­at­ed the new ten­der, it had no means of cir­cu­lat­ing it into the econ­o­my. To rec­ti­fy this, Con­gress passed the Nation­al Bank Act (NBA) of 1863, which allowed for the cre­ation of fed­er­al­ly chart­ed banks that could oper­ate in mul­ti­ple states. The fol­low­ing year, Con­gress would pass a sec­ond Nation­al Bank Act, which brought nation­al banks under the direct reg­u­la­to­ry over­sight of the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment. Thus, a dual sys­tem of bank­ing was established. 

Banks could be chart­ed by a state or by the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment. Depend­ing on which, banks would face a dif­fer­ent reg­u­la­to­ry regime. States were still allowed to have some reg­u­la­tions over fed­er­al­ly char­tered banks, but the reg­u­la­tions must not “sig­nif­i­cant­ly inter­fere” with a nation­al bank’s over­all operations.

At the time the NBA was passed, state reg­u­la­tions on banks were con­sid­er­ably less strict than what was required by the fed­er­al government. 

How­ev­er, a cen­tu­ry-and-a-half lat­er, the reg­u­la­to­ry regimes for both states and the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment have changed dra­mat­i­cal­ly. Some states — Wash­ing­ton includ­ed — have attempt­ed to rein in some of the preda­to­ry prac­tices of America’s nation­al banks by requir­ing them to pay a mod­est inter­est rate on escrow accounts.

An escrow account is a ser­vice pro­vid­ed by banks as a third-par­ty hold­er of funds between two oth­er par­ties. Because buy­ing a home is such a sig­nif­i­cant and com­pli­cat­ed expense, banks often require that bor­row­ers open an escrow account as a con­di­tion of their mort­gage. Even though the mon­ey deposit­ed into the borrower’s escrow accounts goes toward a bank’s cap­i­tal, banks have his­tor­i­cal­ly avoid­ed pay­ing inter­est on escrow accounts; mean­ing, unlike nor­mal sav­ing accounts, escrow accounts are a source of free mon­ey for banks. By some esti­mates, Bank of Amer­i­ca has made tens of mil­lions of dol­lars by shirk­ing these inter­est payments.

Con­sumer advo­cates have point­ed to the intrin­sic unfair­ness of banks requir­ing peo­ple to open an account that they then refuse to pay inter­est on. In the ear­ly 1990s, Con­gress attempt­ed to pass the Escrow Account Reform Act, which would have required all banks to pay inter­est on escrow accounts. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, the law failed. Nonethe­less, even before the push to reform escrow accounts on the fed­er­al lev­el, some states already required banks to pay inter­est on escrow accounts, and over the years the num­ber has steadi­ly increased. Cur­rent­ly, fif­teen states require banks to pay inter­est on escrow accounts, and Con­gress has tac­it­ly rec­og­nized the legit­i­ma­cy of these regulations.

Regard­less, the banks do not want to pay. 

In 2010, Alex Can­tero pur­chased a home in New York state with a mort­gage from Bank of Amer­i­ca, a fed­er­al­ly char­tered bank. New York requires all the banks in its state to pay a mod­est min­i­mum 2% inter­est on all escrow accounts. Instead of com­ply­ing with state law, Bank of Amer­i­ca claimed that the NBA, along with the Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Con­sumer Pro­tec­tion Act of 2010 — which was passed to pro­tect peo­ple from the shenani­gans of big banks — exempt­ed them from New York’s regulations.

The mod­est inter­est rates that select states require banks to pay on escrow accounts seems like a small issue, but the broad­er impli­ca­tions of the case are not lost on the bank­ing indus­try. In its ami­cus curi­ae brief, the Amer­i­can Bankers Asso­ci­a­tion (ABA) has argued that near­ly any reg­u­la­tions of nation­al banks by the states would be a vio­la­tion of the pre­emp­tive clause of the NBA. Accord­ing to the ABA, only Con­gress has the author­i­ty to reg­u­late nation­al banks; mean­while, the amount of mon­ey the bank­ing indus­try has spent on lob­by­ing the same Con­gress has swelled to over $65 mil­lion annually.

Ana­lysts remain uncer­tain as to how the Supreme Court will rule. 

How­ev­er, advo­cates of finan­cial reform are not reas­sured by the rhetoric of the Court’s con­ser­v­a­tive major­i­ty. From the oral argu­ments, both Jus­tice Brett Kavanaugh and Jus­tice Clarence Thomas seemed cer­tain that the NBA inval­i­dat­ed New York’s reg­u­la­tions. Fur­ther­more, the ami­cus curi­ae brief sup­port­ing Bank of America’s posi­tion filed by for­mer high-lev­el offi­cials from the Office of the Comp­trol­ler of the Cur­ren­cy dur­ing the admin­is­tra­tions of Clin­ton, Bush Jr., Oba­ma, and Trump indi­cate that many in Washington’s polit­i­cal estab­lish­ment — regard­less of par­ty — believe in back­ing the banks on this issue.

If the Supreme Court does end up sid­ing with Bank of Amer­i­ca, it will be yet anoth­er exam­ple of how the “too big to fail” mega­banks are regain­ing some of the polit­i­cal pow­er they lost in the after­math of the Great Reces­sion. Depriv­ing states of the means to mod­est­ly reg­u­late nation­al banks would fur­ther tilt America’s already unfair bank­ing sys­tem in favor of the mega­banks. How­ev­er, as we learned from the Great Reces­sion, mega­banks’ con­trol over our econ­o­my is not to be trusted.

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