Elections

Republicans’ dreams of flipping Washington State Legislature vanish in a puff of vapor

For months now Repub­li­can par­ty offi­cials and oper­a­tives have been telling any­one will­ing to lis­ten to them that 2022 was primed to be their year.

Seek­ing to project an aura of invin­ci­bil­i­ty, they have sug­gest­ed and even declared that noth­ing — absolute­ly noth­ing — would stop them from mow­ing down front­line Demo­c­ra­t­ic leg­is­la­tors and mem­bers of Congress.

Con­sid­er this May 8th state­ment from for­mer Penn­syl­va­nia Repub­li­can Chair Rob Glea­son, glee­ful­ly refer­ring to Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty lead­ers, activists, and voters:

“Their peo­ple are depressed… Nothing’s going to be able to save them this year.”

Or, clos­er to home, this mes­sage from Caleb Heim­lich on March 29th:

“2022 is shap­ing up to be a huge oppor­tu­ni­ty for Repub­li­cans in Wash­ing­ton State – not only can we help nation­al Repub­li­cans retake majori­ties in Con­gress, but we can also retake majori­ties in Olympia so we can enact good Repub­li­can poli­cies that will get our com­mu­ni­ties and our State back on the right track!”

A few weeks lat­er, in April, Heim­lich elab­o­rat­ed in anoth­er email as to what that would entail: “We need to win four seats in the State Sen­ate and every seats in the State House. We are fight­ing every day to accom­plish exact­ly that.”

Fast for­ward to this month. On Elec­tion Day, Heim­lich appeared on Live from Seat­tle with Tim Gay­dos, and told Tim that after Fri­day of Elec­tion Week, we’d have a pret­ty good idea of Repub­li­cans’ prospects in this crit­i­cal midterm election.

Here we are on August 6th, with less than a hun­dred days to go until Novem­ber 8th, and over 1.7 mil­lion votes tab­u­lat­ed in the pre­lim­i­nary round of Wash­ing­ton’s two-part gen­er­al elec­tion, for turnout of about 37%. Four counts are now fin­ished, and there will be sev­en more before cer­ti­fi­ca­tion occurs on August 16th.

NPI’s par­ty per­for­mance track­er shows that out of nine­ty-sev­en state House races, Democ­rats are col­lec­tive­ly ahead in fifty-sev­en, while Repub­li­cans are ahead in forty-one. And in state Sen­ate races, Democ­rats are ahead in sev­en­teen, while Repub­li­cans lead in eight. (Only half of the State Sen­ate is up this year.)

Voters in a majority of both House and Senate contests currently prefer Democratic candidates

State House of Representatives

The Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty has the major­i­ty of votes in 57 House contests:

The Repub­li­can Par­ty has the major­i­ty of votes in 41 House contests:


State Senate

The Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty has the major­i­ty of votes in 17 Sen­ate contests:

The Repub­li­can Par­ty has the major­i­ty of votes in 8 Sen­ate contests:


If those dynam­ics were to hold through the gen­er­al elec­tion, Repub­li­cans would end up with a net gain of zero seats in both cham­bers of the Legislature.

That’s right: Zero. Zip. Zilch. Nada.

They need to flip a total of thir­teen seats for con­trol of both cham­bers. At this junc­ture, they look ill posi­tioned to flip so much as one net seat.

That would mean that, come Jan­u­ary 2023, Demo­c­ra­t­ic majori­ties would be just as big as they are today, despite the retire­ments of a num­ber of Demo­c­ra­t­ic law­mak­ers from bat­tle­ground dis­tricts, like Pat Sul­li­van and Mona Das in the 47th, which Repub­li­cans loud­ly trum­pet­ed back in the spring.

The 47th is one of those cru­cial­ly impor­tant dis­tricts where Repub­li­cans fig­ured they would roar back in 2022. They had what they con­sid­ered to be strong can­di­dates and ide­al cir­cum­stances for a set of vic­to­ries this cycle.

But instead, it looks like Democ­rats will run the tables again, like in 2018.

In the Sen­ate race, a major­i­ty of votes are going to Democ­rats Clau­dia Kauff­man and Satwinder Kaur, who are sep­a­rat­ed by the tini­est of mar­gins: a few dozen votes. Repub­li­can Bill Boyce (a Kent City Coun­cilmem­ber, like Kaur) is well under the fifty per­cent thresh­old, with just 45.68%.

State Senate, 47th Legislative District

As of 08/06/2022 4:00 PM

Bill Boyce

Repub­li­can | 13,409 votes

45.68%
Clau­dia Kauffman

Demo­c­ra­t­ic | 7,982 votes

27.19%
Satwinder Kaur

Demo­c­ra­t­ic | 7,918 votes

26.97%

In the con­test for the open House seat, the Repub­li­cans’ three can­di­dates are split­ting the vote so effec­tive­ly that they have can­celled each oth­er out. There will be no Repub­li­can can­di­date — again, no Repub­li­can can­di­date — on the bal­lot for this office in the Novem­ber gen­er­al elec­tion. Vot­ers will see two Democ­rats instead: Chris Stearns and Shukri Olow. That means Democ­rats are basi­cal­ly assured of get­ting to keep the seat that Pat Sul­li­van is vacating.

State House, Position 2, 47th Legislative District

As of 08/06/2022 4:00 PM

Chris Stearns

Demo­c­ra­t­ic | 9,802 votes

33.49%
Shukri Olow

Demo­c­ra­t­ic | 5,713 votes

19.52%
Bar­ry Knowles

Repub­li­can | 5,116 votes

17.48%
Ted Cooke

Repub­li­can | 4,433 votes

15.14%
Car­men Goers

Repub­li­can | 4,182 votes

14.29%

In the oth­er State House race, incum­bent Debra Enten­man is cruis­ing along with 55.3% of the vote against two Repub­li­can oppo­nents: Kyle Lye­byedyev and Jessie L Ram­sey. Those def­i­nite­ly aren’t the num­bers of a vul­ner­a­ble Demo­c­ra­t­ic incum­bent that Repub­li­cans were sali­vat­ing in antic­i­pa­tion of seeing.

State House, Position 1, 47th Legislative District

As of 08/06/2022 4:00 PM

Debra Jean Entenman

Demo­c­ra­t­ic | 16,088 votes

55.3%
Kyle Lye­byedyev

Repub­li­can | 9,022 votes

31.01%
Jessie L Ramsey

Repub­li­can | 3,936 votes

13.53%

It’s the same sto­ry in the 30th… and the 44th… and the 26th… and the 24th… and oth­er dis­tricts. Repub­li­can chal­lengers to Demo­c­ra­t­ic incum­bents just aren’t putting up the strong show­ing that Repub­li­can oper­a­tives and their fun­ders had expect­ed. They were amply backed with big mon­ey, but it was for naught.

The Wash­ing­ton Observer’s Paul Queary has, like us, been track­ing the cam­paign cash and writ­ing reg­u­lar­ly about it. In his last newslet­ter, ana­lyz­ing elec­tion results, he char­ac­ter­ized the expen­sive cam­paigns to flip the Leg­is­la­ture as duds.

Pre­vi­ous­ly, on July 13th, he pub­lished a post look­ing in detail at the gush­er of mon­ey being spent against Democ­rats by the Repub­li­cans and the pow­er­ful inter­ests fund­ing them, includ­ing the oil indus­try and the bank­ing industry.

“Thus far, $387K has been spent on neg­a­tive cam­paign mes­sag­ing tar­get­ing Demo­c­ra­t­ic incum­bents in five dis­tricts and Demo­c­ra­t­ic hope­fuls in two oth­ers. Some­what unusu­al­ly, WA Wins [the name of the Repub­li­cans’ leg­isla­tive­ly focused polit­i­cal com­mit­tee] is spend­ing ahead of the pri­ma­ry even though near­ly all the Democ­rats in ques­tion are sure to advance to Novem­ber,” Queary wrote. “The idea is to show those Democ­rats are vul­ner­a­ble and dri­ve enthu­si­asm and turnout among GOP vot­ers and big donors on the right going into November.”

Those cook­ie cut­ter attack mail­ers, how­ev­er, did­n’t pro­duce results.

Now Repub­li­cans are in a quandary. There’s one bat­tle­ground leg­isla­tive dis­trict where the num­bers are in their favor: the redrawn 42nd, up in What­com Coun­ty. Oth­er than that, how­ev­er, the elec­tion has not yield­ed a list of obvi­ous tar­gets for Repub­li­cans. Remem­ber, to get bare majori­ties in both cham­bers for next ses­sion, they’d need to flip nine House seats and four Sen­ate seats. And as we can see, there are not thir­teen Demo­c­ra­t­ic incum­bents head­ed for a tough fall right now.

These are weird, chaot­ic times. We don’t know the future and any­thing is pos­si­ble. It’s impor­tant to say that. But with respect to what’s prob­a­ble, this elec­tion has shown us that Repub­li­cans’ talk of flip­ping the Leg­is­la­ture has been based on pipe dreams. They have fan­ta­sized about dis­lodg­ing Democ­rats for a long time, but the vot­ers are not mak­ing their fond­est wish­es come true.

Right wing activists like Bri­an Hey­wood, cheered on by the likes of Tim Eyman, are present­ly cir­cu­lat­ing (with vol­un­teers!) eleven dif­fer­ent ini­tia­tive peti­tions as part of a scheme called “Let’s Go Wash­ing­ton” that are intend­ed to equip a 2023 Repub­li­can Leg­is­la­ture with bad ideas it can adopt into law that would not be sub­ject to a guber­na­to­r­i­al veto from Demo­c­ra­t­ic Gov­er­nor Jay Inslee.

“Pre­sum­ing we have a friend­ly leg­is­la­ture, which prob­a­bly means a Repub­li­can major­i­ty, even if only by one vote, then it is pre­sum­ably like­ly that both hous­es would vote to approve some or all of these ini­tia­tives,” Hey­wood’s FAQ says.

This kind of think­ing was echoed by Eyman in an email he sent on May 14th, in which he excit­ed­ly pro­mot­ed an anti-tax ini­tia­tive: “If we flip the house and sen­ate and get the Repub­li­cans a major­i­ty in both cham­bers, they can pass the ini­tia­tive into law and Inslee can’t veto it!” (Empha­sis is Eyman’s).

Bar­ring a polit­i­cal earth­quake, those dreams seem des­tined to remain a fan­ta­sy. By embrac­ing extrem­ism, cor­rup­tion, and vin­dic­tive­ness at every turn for years, Repub­li­cans have destroyed their brand — espe­cial­ly in the sub­urbs — and paved the way for Wash­ing­ton’s trans­for­ma­tion into a state that is even more reli­ably Demo­c­ra­t­ic, no mat­ter what the polit­i­cal cli­mate else­where might be.

Andrew Villeneuve

Andrew Villeneuve is the founder and executive director of the Northwest Progressive Institute, as well as the founder of NPI's sibling, the Northwest Progressive Foundation. He has worked to advance progressive causes for over two decades as a strategist, speaker, author, and organizer. Andrew is also a cybersecurity expert, a veteran facilitator, a delegate to the Washington State Democratic Central Committee, and a member of the Climate Reality Leadership Corps.

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