A peti­tion­er who state elec­tions offi­cials dis­cov­ered had sub­mit­ted thou­sands of fraud­u­lent sig­na­tures last year for Tim Eyman’s Ini­tia­tive 1185 and for Ref­er­en­dum 74 (the unsuc­cess­ful bal­lot mea­sure to over­turn mar­riage equal­i­ty) is being pros­e­cut­ed by Sno­homish Coun­ty for com­mit­ting a felony, court records show.

The Her­ald of Everett report­ed today that Julie A. Klein, fifty-four, of Marysville, was charged in late July with false­ly sign­ing peti­tions for I‑1185 and R‑74 thou­sands of times, alleged­ly with names that she found in the phone book. (That’s appar­ent­ly what she told Wash­ing­ton State Patrol detectives).

Klein has plead­ed not guilty to the charges.

If con­vict­ed, she could be sen­tenced to up to five years in prison — or fined $10,000. Alter­na­tive­ly, she could be sen­tenced to prison and fined.

The Klein case is just the lat­est instance of sig­na­ture fraud uncov­ered in Wash­ing­ton State, and fur­ther proof that, con­trary to what ini­tia­tive prof­i­teer Tim Eyman has claimed, sig­na­ture fraud does exist and it is a prob­lem that needs to be dealt with.

For years, Eyman has insist­ed to reporters and state law­mak­ers that there is no need for over­sight of the ini­tia­tive process because sig­na­ture fraud just does­n’t hap­pen in Wash­ing­ton. Two and a half years ago, in a Feb­ru­ary 28th, 2011 email to the press and to elect­ed lead­ers decry­ing Sen­ate Bill 5297, he depict­ed the state’s under­ground sig­na­ture gath­er­ing indus­try as hav­ing a squeaky clean reputation:

We’ve writ­ten about this repeat­ed­ly this year: over the past 12 years, 12.7 mil­lion sig­na­tures have been turned in to the Sec­re­tary of State, and in all that time, there’s been 1 prob­lem with 1 SEIU offi­cial last year.

In real­i­ty, Wash­ing­ton State’s sig­na­ture gath­er­ing indus­try has a his­to­ry of oper­at­ing out­side of the law, and Eyman and his asso­ciates know it.

At the time Eyman sent the email excerpt­ed above, there was actu­al­ly anoth­er case of doc­u­ment­ed sig­na­ture fraud — a case Eyman was well aware of.

That case con­cerned fraud­u­lent sig­na­tures that had been col­lect­ed (but not sub­mit­ted) for one of Eyman’s own ini­tia­tives — I‑985 in 2008.

Like­ly Eyman did­n’t men­tion it because it would have under­mined the nar­ra­tive he was try­ing to sell to reporters. One case of sig­na­ture fraud can be called an iso­lat­ed inci­dent, but two is twice as many as one and begins to indi­cate a trend.

And in the years since, more instances of fraud have been dis­cov­ered. Stein’s fraud was dis­cov­ered last year, and ear­ly this year, an unprece­dent­ed num­ber of fraud­u­lent sig­na­tures were dis­cov­ered dur­ing the ran­dom sam­ple checks con­duct­ed on Tim Eyman’s I‑517 and the ini­tia­tive to require the label­ing of genet­i­cal­ly mod­i­fied foods, I‑522. (NPI oppos­es I‑517 and sup­ports I‑522).

The Her­ald’s Eric Ste­vick notes:

Eight of 19 ini­tia­tives or ref­er­en­da sub­mit­ted for ver­i­fi­ca­tion between July 2008 and Jan­u­ary 2013 con­tained irreg­u­lar­i­ties that were turned over to the State Patrol.

Over that span, 19 peo­ple have been inves­ti­gat­ed for peti­tion forgery or fraud. Among those, two were con­vict­ed of felonies.

That these fraud­u­lent sig­na­tures are being dis­cov­ered is espe­cial­ly sig­nif­i­cant con­sid­er­ing that the Sec­re­tary of State does not usu­al­ly check all of the sig­na­tures that are sub­mit­ted for any giv­en ini­tia­tive or referendum.

When a peti­tion dri­ve ends and peti­tions are turned in, elec­tions offi­cials do a count to see how many sig­na­tures there are. If the total num­ber sub­mit­ted rea­son­ably exceeds the min­i­mum required, elec­tions offi­cials per­form what’s called a ran­dom sam­ple check. If the mea­sure pass­es the ran­dom sam­ple check, it goes on the bal­lot or before the Leg­is­la­ture, as the case may be.

Not inspect­ing every sig­na­ture cer­tain­ly saves mon­ey, but it also means that sig­na­ture fraud may go unde­tect­ed, as we’ve point­ed out in response to Eyman’s false and mis­lead­ing state­ments. (In oth­er states, includ­ing Ore­gon, there have been many doc­u­ment­ed cas­es of sig­na­ture fraud, and the notion that it can’t hap­pen here because we’re on the north­ern side of the Colum­bia is ridiculous).

Even if Eyman had amend­ed his email to say “two known prob­lems” it would still have been mis­lead­ing. Sig­na­ture check­ers always find dupli­cate and invalid sig­na­tures when they check sig­na­tures on peti­tions, because they’re so com­mon. They don’t always find fraud­u­lent sig­na­tures because fraud is less com­mon. But again, that does­n’t mean it does­n’t happen.

Innocu­ous invalid sig­na­tures are unques­tion­ably prob­lem­at­ic — they just don’t rise to the lev­el of fraud, which mer­its a crim­i­nal inves­ti­ga­tion. If sub­mit­ted peti­tions did­n’t con­tain sig­nif­i­cant num­bers of prob­lem­at­ic sig­na­tures, there’d be no need for spon­sors to sub­mit a cush­ion con­sist­ing of thou­sands of extra, valid signatures.

The fact that elec­tions offi­cials keep uncov­er­ing fraud­u­lent sig­na­tures on peti­tions means that sig­na­ture gath­er­ing com­pa­nies like Cit­i­zen Solu­tions (Eddie Agazarm and Roy Ruffi­no’s out­fit) are not con­sis­tent­ly catch­ing the bad actors on their own — which is some­thing they’ve claimed they’re capa­ble of doing.

That’s just one rea­son why our state’s under­ground sig­na­ture gath­er­ing indus­try needs to be sub­ject­ed to stronger over­sight and enforcement.

There are oth­er reasons.

Many paid peti­tion­ers come in from out of state to work on cam­paigns in Wash­ing­ton, and most do not both­er to reg­is­ter with the Depart­ment of Rev­enue or the Depart­ment of Labor & Indus­tries. The peti­tion­ing firms that bring them in do not both­er to com­ply with Wash­ing­ton’s work­er pro­tec­tion laws.

That puts the peti­tion­ers them­selves at risk, and it also makes it dif­fi­cult for author­i­ties to track down law­break­ers, as a WSP detec­tive told The Herald:

Bob Calkins, a spokesman for the Wash­ing­ton State Patrol, said some inves­ti­ga­tions have run into dead-ends.

“Not only were the sig­na­tures fraud­u­lent, but the iden­ti­fy­ing infor­ma­tion about the sig­na­ture gath­er­er was fraud­u­lent and we were nev­er able to run that down to an indi­vid­ual per­son,” he said. “So those oth­er cas­es we were unable to take for­ward for prosecution.”

Sev­er­al years ago, we urged the Depart­ment of Labor & Indus­tries to start look­ing at these com­pa­nies. After we did, L&I end­ed up con­duct­ing an audit of Eyman’s asso­ciates at Cit­i­zen Solu­tions, and fined them more than $8,000 for labor law vio­la­tions. Fol­low­ing the com­ple­tion of the audit, Eyman’s asso­ciates changed Cit­i­zen Solu­tions’ address and rein­car­nat­ed the firm as a new enti­ty — a lim­it­ed lia­bil­i­ty com­pa­ny. Infor­ma­tion we’ve received about their activ­i­ties leads us to con­clude they are still fla­grant­ly oper­at­ing out­side of the law.

They know they are and they don’t care.

For too long, firms like Cit­i­zen Solu­tions have been exploit­ing not only vot­ers, but the work­ers they hire to car­ry peti­tions on behalf of pow­er­ful inter­ests, includ­ing Tim Eyman and his wealthy bene­fac­tors. This exploita­tion needs to end.

It is time for us to clean up Wash­ing­ton’s sig­na­ture gath­er­ing indus­try so we can safe­guard the spir­it and the integri­ty of our state’s ini­tia­tive process. In the weeks and months to come, we’ll be work­ing with oth­er con­cerned Wash­ing­to­ni­ans and state law­mak­ers to shine a spot­light on the indus­try and strength­en over­sight of it.

About the author

Andrew Villeneuve is the founder and executive director of the Northwest Progressive Institute, as well as the founder of NPI's sibling, the Northwest Progressive Foundation. He has worked to advance progressive causes for over two decades as a strategist, speaker, author, and organizer. Andrew is also a cybersecurity expert, a veteran facilitator, a delegate to the Washington State Democratic Central Committee, and a member of the Climate Reality Leadership Corps.

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5 replies on “Felony charges filed against petitioner who submitted fraudulent signatures for Tim Eyman’s I‑1185 and R‑74 in 2012”

  1. The main rea­son the entire Ini­tia­tive and Ref­er­en­dum process should END is that is, in its entire­ty, a direct vio­la­tion of Arti­cle IV, Sec­tion 4, of the U.S. Con­sti­tu­tion, in which the ONLY require­ment ever spec­i­fied for state gov­ern­ments is giv­en: “The Unit­ed States shall guar­an­tee to every State in this Union a Repub­li­can Form of Gov­ern­ment.” In oth­er words, “No, you may not have direct democ­ra­cy, ever, because it’s stu­pid and dan­ger­ous; over our dead bod­ies, signed, the Found­ing Fathers.”

    1. Daniel, the founders may have well agreed with you. They’re not around to tell us whether they think states hav­ing the ini­tia­tive, ref­er­en­dum, and recall vio­lates Arti­cle IV, Sec­tion 4. 

      The courts have held that the ques­tion of whether ini­tia­tives and ref­er­en­da are incom­pat­i­ble with the Guar­an­tee Clause of the U.S. Con­sti­tu­tion to be a polit­i­cal ques­tion. Read Pacif­ic States Tele­phone and Tele­graph Com­pa­ny v. Ore­gon.

      Ted­dy Roo­sevelt’s view, expressed in his 1912 Char­ter of Democ­ra­cy speech, was “I believe in the Ini­tia­tive and Ref­er­en­dum, which should be used not to destroy rep­re­sen­ta­tive gov­ern­ment, but to cor­rect it when­ev­er it becomes misrepresentative.”

      That is our view as well. The ini­tia­tive and ref­er­en­dum can be used for good and can be used to bypass a grid­locked Leg­is­la­ture. Wash­ing­ton’s ban on smok­ing in pub­lic places, its pub­lic dis­clo­sure law, and the tax on haz­ardous sub­stances to fund waste cleanup efforts were all enact­ed by initiative.

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